Radnai Márk described TISZA’s post-election organisation as a movement-backed governing system.
Persons
Radnai Márk.
Areas
Party organisation; government preparation; political community building; public decision-making.
Settlements
Budapest.
The day opened with a party-organisation story, quiet on the surface and heavy under the floorboards. Portfolio reported at 08:02 that Radnai Márk, TISZA’s vice president, told Népszava how the party wanted to organise its political backroom after entering government. His central message was that TISZA did not want a conventional party apparatus with tired local branches, plastic loyalty rituals and the smell of old committee rooms. The plan was a broader political community, backed by a movement and supported by a decision-preparation system able to bring professional voices into governing work.
The statement mattered because new governments often fall in two places: inside ministries and inside their own organisation. A prime minister can win an election, name ministers and hold foreign press conferences, yet a governing majority still needs people who prepare decisions before the machinery begins chewing. Radnai’s interview therefore belonged to the less theatrical part of the TISZA transition. No flags, no podium, no thunder. Just the question that decides whether a victory becomes a system: who prepares policy, who carries local information upward, and who stops the new ruling force from ageing into the same swollen creature it defeated.
Source: Portfolio (https://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/20260521/tisza-kormany-becsben-targyalt-magyar-peter-kozben-ujabb-szerzodesek-kerultek-elo-838178).
Ruszin-Szendi Romulusz appointed Pálinkás Szilveszter deputy chief of cabinet while opening a procedure against him.
Persons
Ruszin-Szendi Romulusz; Pálinkás Szilveszter.
Areas
Defence; military administration; personnel policy; ministerial discipline.
Settlements
Budapest.
At 08:38, Portfolio recorded one of those defence-ministry moves that looks absurd until the institutional logic comes into view. Defence Minister Ruszin-Szendi Romulusz appointed Captain Pálinkás Szilveszter as deputy chief of cabinet, while also ordering a procedure against him to clarify an earlier case. The double movement carries a clean political message and a risky administrative one. The minister signalled trust in the officer’s professional usefulness, while refusing to let unresolved questions drift into the wallpaper.
Defence is the least forgiving ministry for sloppy symbolism. In civilian politics, a vague appointment can be swallowed by a few noisy headlines. In uniformed structures, rank, chain of command and discipline carry legal and psychological weight. The TISZA government has been presenting itself as a cabinet of accountability after years of personalised rule. Ruszin-Szendi’s decision tried to hold two lines at once: useful people can serve, and pending issues still require formal treatment.
That balance will be judged later by the procedure’s content and outcome. The appointment itself gives Pálinkás a place inside the minister’s working circle. The procedure prevents the appointment from looking like a private clearance certificate printed in a back office. In a ministry where loyalty and legality often pull in different directions, May 21 delivered an early test of whether the new cabinet can handle personnel questions without turning every appointment into either a purge or a favour.
Source: Portfolio (https://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/20260521/tisza-kormany-becsben-targyalt-magyar-peter-kozben-ujabb-szerzodesek-kerultek-elo-838178).
Bóna Szabolcs promised the rapid restoration of Hungary’s ban on Ukrainian agricultural imports.
Persons
Bóna Szabolcs.
Areas
Agriculture; Ukraine; food imports; farmer protection; trade restrictions.
Settlements
Budapest; Ukraine.
At 08:40, Portfolio reported that Bóna Szabolcs, the minister responsible for rural development, promised to restore the ban on certain Ukrainian agricultural goods as quickly as possible. The list in the government’s communication covered sensitive food and farming categories, including meats, grains, oilseeds and wine. The announcement arrived inside a delicate diplomatic week: the TISZA government had opened Hungarian-Ukrainian expert talks one day earlier, while Magyar Péter had floated a possible July meeting with Volodymyr Zelensky in Berehove.
That pairing is the whole story. The new cabinet wanted to repair relations with Kyiv, yet it also had to speak to Hungarian farmers who had watched Ukrainian imports become a permanent campaign weapon under the previous government. Agricultural politics has no patience for elegant geopolitical phrasing when warehouses, prices and harvest contracts are involved. Bóna’s move showed the cabinet trying to separate two files that Fidesz had preferred to weld together: support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and protection for Hungarian producers.
The legal and European trade context will decide how durable the ban becomes. A rushed decree can calm farmers for a week and create another fight in Brussels the week after. A carefully written measure can protect domestic producers while giving Budapest a stronger hand in EU-level negotiations. On May 21, Bóna chose speed. The proof will sit in the legal text and in the reaction from Kyiv, Brussels and the Hungarian countryside.
Sources: Portfolio (https://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/20260521/bona-szabolcs-az-ukrajnabol-erkezo-aruk-tiltasat-a-leheto-leggyorsabban-visszaallitjuk-838218); Portfolio live coverage (https://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/20260521/tisza-kormany-becsben-targyalt-magyar-peter-kozben-ujabb-szerzodesek-kerultek-elo-838178).
A 285.6-billion-forint budget gap emerged around major transport and infrastructure obligations.
Persons
Dávid Vitézy.
Areas
Budget; infrastructure; transport finance; highway concession; railway investment.
Settlements
Budapest; Belgrade; Iváncsa.
At 10:26, Portfolio published one of the day’s ugliest inheritance notes: 285.6 billion forints in major state obligations appeared insufficiently covered or uncovered in the 2026 budget framework. The items were not decorative expenses. The list included the highway concession availability fee, the Budapest–Belgrade railway project and the Iváncsa industrial rail connection. The figures named by Portfolio were brutal enough to make a ministry corridor go quiet: 175.6 billion forints for the highway network availability fee, 87.7 billion forints linked to the Budapest–Belgrade EPC-I contract, and 22.3 billion forints for Iváncsa rail infrastructure.
Transport Minister Dávid Vitézy has spent years speaking in the language of timetables, tracks and investment logic. Now he faces the darker grammar of inherited contracts. Infrastructure policy in Hungary became a political refinery under the old system: public money went in, contracts came out, and somewhere in the middle the country was expected to applaud asphalt as destiny. The May 21 discovery suggested that the new cabinet is still opening drawers and finding bills folded behind official optimism.
The damage reaches beyond accounting. Unfunded or half-funded obligations can distort a whole budget, crowd out new investment and force unpleasant decisions before the government has even finished explaining its programme. Magyar’s cabinet wants credibility with investors and Brussels. A budget built on missing coverage would poison that effort quickly. The TISZA government’s first serious fiscal task is therefore plain: put every hidden invoice under light, then decide which inherited promises deserve payment, renegotiation or a public autopsy.
Source: Portfolio (https://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/20260521/hatalmas-lyuk-kerult-elo-a-koltsegvetesben-harom-nagy-allami-projekt-is-fedezet-nelkul-maradhatott-838240).
Magyar and Stocker opened a Vienna reset around asbestos, taxes, EU funds and a September joint government meeting.
Persons
Péter Magyar; Christian Stocker; Alexander Van der Bellen; Anita Orbán; Dávid Vitézy; István Kapitány; Gajdos László.
Areas
Austria; diplomacy; asbestos contamination; special taxes; EU funds; infrastructure; energy diversification; European Union.
Settlements
Vienna; Gödöllő; Budapest; Győr; Sopron.
The centre of May 21 stood in Vienna, where Péter Magyar and Austrian Chancellor Christian Stocker staged a reset that carried both smiles and unpaid invoices. Telex, Index, Reuters, Xinhua and Portfolio all reported the meeting, with overlapping but useful angles. The agenda covered asbestos contamination linked to Austrian stone, Hungarian special taxes affecting Austrian companies, cross-border transport, EU cooperation, energy diversification and Hungary’s attempt to recover frozen EU funds. Stocker spoke of a new chapter in bilateral relations and accepted Magyar’s invitation to a joint Hungarian-Austrian government meeting in Gödöllő in September.
The hardest part was asbestos. Magyar said Hungary would apply the polluter-pays principle, while Stocker said Austrian authorities were ready to cooperate through a working group. Magyar described the problem as one that could cost tens of billions of forints, making the topic much more than a neighbourly environmental complaint. The phrase “polluter pays” sounded tidy in the press room. In real life, it means expert reports, claims, liabilities and local anger.
Reuters placed the tax dispute at the front: Magyar said tax reform would come after a new 2026 budget, while Stocker called Hungary’s special retail tax discriminatory. Austrian firms employ tens of thousands of people in Hungary, so the conversation was business politics dressed as diplomacy. The useful shift was tone. Hungary arrived in Vienna seeking a deal, asking for help on EU funds and promising order after years of diplomatic vandalism.
Sources: Telex English (https://telex.hu/english/2026/05/21/magyar-in-vienna-hungary-will-apply-the-polluter-pays-principle-with-regard-to-the-asbestos-contamination); Index (https://index.hu/kulfold/2026/05/21/magyarorszag-ausztria-magyar-peter-christian-stocker-kancellar-hivatalos-latogatas-v4-sajtotajekoztato/); Reuters (https://www.reuters.com/business/hungary-pm-magyar-says-tax-reform-will-come-after-new-2026-budget-2026-05-21/); Xinhua (https://english.news.cn/20260522/ff11682e825a47e4837e063c414b8dc4/c.html); ReutersConnect / Anadolu (https://www.reutersconnect.com/item/hungarian-pm-peter-magyar-and-austrian-chancellor-christian-stocker-hold-joint-press-conference-in-vienna/dGFnOnJldXRlcnMuY29tLDIwMjY6bmV3c21sX01UMUFOQURMMDAwR1dWTFJO).
International press turned the eight-year prime-ministerial limit into the day’s constitutional story.
Persons
Péter Magyar; Viktor Orbán; Márton Melléthei-Barna; István Hantosi.
Areas
Constitution; rule of law; Sovereignty Protection Office; public-interest asset foundations; universities.
Settlements
Budapest.
On May 21, the previous evening’s constitutional package became a foreign-news story. The Guardian, Reuters and Kyiv Post all picked up the TISZA proposal to limit any Hungarian prime minister to a maximum of eight years in office, calculated from 2 May 1990. The effect would be direct and political: Viktor Orbán, after two long stretches in power, would be barred from returning to the premiership. The amendment was submitted by TISZA lawmakers Márton Melléthei-Barna and István Hantosi, with the package framed as the first stage in dismantling the constitutional architecture inherited from the Orbán era.
The same package opened a route toward closing the Sovereignty Protection Office, a body widely criticised by civil and media actors as an instrument of pressure. Another section addressed the public-interest asset foundations that took control of large chunks of university and state-linked wealth under Fidesz. The proposal would state that their assets remain national property and that the state carries responsibility for them.
The politics is sharp enough to draw blood. Supporters will call the term limit a democratic safety rail after a long period of personalised rule. Opponents will call it retroactive anti-Orbán lawmaking. The foreign press understood the same tension: Magyar wants institutional renewal, yet the most visible target is the man whose system those institutions served. A constitution amended to prevent one man’s return can become either a safeguard or a weapon. The legal drafting will decide how history reads the move.
Sources: The Guardian (https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/may/21/hungary-limit-prime-ministers-maximum-eight-year-terms-magyar-orban); Reuters (https://www.reuters.com/world/hungarys-ruling-tisza-party-moves-limit-prime-ministerial-terms-2026-05-21/); Kyiv Post (https://www.kyivpost.com/post/76580).
Varga Mihály signalled openness to meeting Magyar as the euro and ratings clock started ticking.
Persons
Varga Mihály; Péter Magyar.
Areas
Central bank; euro adoption; credit rating; fiscal credibility; monetary policy.
Settlements
Budapest.
Portfolio’s live coverage noted in the afternoon that Varga Mihály, governor of the Hungarian National Bank, was open to meeting Péter Magyar. The line came with a sober warning attached: the central bank would support euro adoption if the government showed firm commitment, while 2030 looked ambitious as a target. The timing was sensitive because Moody’s was expected to review Hungary’s rating, with the new cabinet’s budget path and euro plans now under outside examination.
A central-bank meeting rarely carries the visual drama of a foreign trip, yet the stakes are colder and harder. Magyar’s government entered office promising budget repair, EU-fund recovery and a more predictable economic policy. Markets do not applaud promises for long. They read deficits, debt paths, central-bank credibility and the relationship between political ambition and fiscal arithmetic. Varga’s cautious openness therefore mattered because it placed euro adoption in the realm of institutional cooperation rather than campaign speech.
The euro question is particularly useful for exposing empty politics. Everyone can declare a historic destination. Far fewer governments can build the convergence path, hold inflation down, stabilise the budget and preserve enough public patience for the years between announcement and entry. If Magyar wants the euro as a strategic anchor, the central bank becomes an unavoidable partner. May 21 did not give Hungary a euro timetable. It did show the first outline of a conversation that could either discipline the new government or expose its limits.
Source: Portfolio (https://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/20260521/tisza-kormany-becsben-targyalt-magyar-peter-kozben-ujabb-szerzodesek-kerultek-elo-838178).
The cabinet’s personnel map widened through education, defence and rural-development announcements.
Persons
Lannert Judit; Naderi Zsuzsanna; Kürtös László; Lőrincz Viktória.
Areas
Education; vocational training; adult learning; defence administration; rural development.
Settlements
Budapest.
The afternoon brought another layer of cabinet construction. Portfolio and HVG reported that Education and Children’s Affairs Minister Lannert Judit had named Naderi Zsuzsanna as state secretary responsible for vocational training and adult learning. Naderi’s professional background, presented in the reports, placed her inside the working world of vocational education rather than the decorative orbit of party communication. That matters because Hungarian vocational training has lived for years under constant restructuring, institutional language and labour-market promises that often arrived at schools as paperwork rather than usable help.
The same day, Portfolio’s live coverage recorded that Kürtös László would serve as parliamentary state secretary at the Defence Ministry, while Rural Development Minister Lőrincz Viktória held a staff meeting and described her working principles. Such personnel notes rarely make noise outside political circles, yet they form the skeleton of government. Ministers can announce investigations and foreign visits; state secretaries turn those announcements into signatures, committees and draft texts.
The TISZA government is still in the phase where the names matter more than the speeches around them. Every appointment answers a practical question: who understands the sector, who can speak to Parliament, who can manage officials, and who can survive the pressure of inherited files. May 21 added more joints to the new cabinet’s body. The next test will be movement: whether those joints bend under policy work or crack under the first serious conflict.
Sources: HVG (https://hvg.hu/itthon/20260521_lannert-judit-bejelentette-ki-lesz-a-szakkepzesert-es-felnottkori-tanulasert-felelos-allamtitkart); Portfolio (https://www.portfolio.hu/global/20260521/ujabb-allamtitkart-jelentett-be-lannert-judit-oktatasi-miniszter-838378); Portfolio live coverage (https://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/20260521/tisza-kormany-becsben-targyalt-magyar-peter-kozben-ujabb-szerzodesek-kerultek-elo-838178).
Vitézy Dávid studied ÖBB’s automated rail control centre as Hungary prepared rail-system repairs.
Persons
Dávid Vitézy; Andreas Maté.
Areas
Rail transport; digital passenger information; traffic control; public infrastructure; artificial intelligence.
Settlements
Vienna; Budapest.
By evening, the Vienna visit had moved from podiums to railway hardware. Portfolio reported at 19:16 that Transport and Investment Minister Dávid Vitézy visited the Austrian Federal Railways’ national control centre in Vienna with Andreas Maté. Vitézy’s message was practical: Austrian rail operations are far more automated in areas where Hungary still struggles, especially the speed with which traffic-management changes appear in passenger-information systems, platform screens and apps.
That difference is visible to citizens every day. A late train is frustrating. A late train with poor information is institutional contempt in timetable form. Hungarian passengers have learned to decode delays, platform changes and missing updates as though they were reading smoke signals from a tired railway god. Vitézy’s visit to ÖBB showed where the TISZA government wants to look for models: digital dispatching, faster communication between control centres and passenger systems, and emerging AI-supported traffic-management tools designed to reduce knock-on delays.
The rail story also ties back to the budget-gap report published earlier the same day. Hungary cannot modernise rail through inspiration alone while inherited contracts and uncovered obligations chew through public money. Vitézy’s Austrian lesson therefore has two halves. The first is operational: learn from ÖBB’s systems. The second is fiscal: find room to fund modernisation without pouring money into politically convenient concrete. On May 21, the minister found a working model. The harder part begins in Hungary, where models become tenders, software, training and public patience.
Source: Portfolio (https://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/20260521/vitezy-david-az-osztrak-vasutiranyitonal-jart-es-elmondta-miben-kell-fejlodni-magyarorszagon-838410).
Magyar pressed President Sulyok to release the remaining pardon dossier from Sándor Palace.
Persons
Péter Magyar; Tamás Sulyok.
Areas
Presidency; pardon case; transparency; public accountability; legal records.
Settlements
Budapest.
At 19:21, Portfolio reported that Péter Magyar had issued a sharp demand to President Tamás Sulyok: publish the remaining copy of the pardon dossier held at Sándor Palace that same day. The presidential office had already indicated cooperation over documents, yet Magyar’s tone suggested impatience with careful institutional fog. Pardon files in Hungary carry a special political charge after the scandal that helped crack the old system’s moral armour. Every hidden page now smells like a locked drawer in a house where too many people once had keys.
The demand was less about a single document than about the new relationship between government, presidency and public memory. Magyar’s rise was inseparable from the public’s disgust over elite immunity, clerical language and explanations that sounded engineered to survive television rather than truth. Calling on Sulyok to publish the file placed the president under direct pressure to align with the new transparency mood.
There is risk in turning every document dispute into a political ultimatum. A government that demands disclosure must respect legal boundaries when those boundaries are real. Yet the old Hungarian habit was the reverse: call every embarrassing file sensitive, then let time soften public anger. Magyar’s May 21 move challenged that habit directly. The pardon dossier became a test of whether the state can speak plainly about its own decisions, especially when those decisions once protected the wrong people from the consequences of power.
Source: Portfolio (https://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/20260521/magyar-peter-ultimatumot-adott-a-koztarsasagi-elnoknek-meg-ma-latni-akarja-a-masik-kegyelmi-dossziet-838412).
Tanács Zoltán froze suspicious pre-election DIMOP Plusz decisions worth 22.59 billion forints.
Persons
Tanács Zoltán.
Areas
Digital development funds; ministry investigation; public grants; election-period spending; anti-corruption.
Settlements
Budapest.
At 20:00, Portfolio reported another file falling out of a ministry cupboard. Tanács Zoltán ordered an investigation into DIMOP Plusz funding decisions made shortly before the election. According to the report, 11 projects worth 22.59 billion forints came under review. Nine projects worth 14.59 billion forints were decided on 10 April, while another two projects worth nearly 8 billion forints were approved four days before the election. Portfolio also noted an unusually short 24-day evaluation period and wrote that no contracts or payments would proceed until the checks finish.
The pattern is familiar enough to make the page feel stained. A government approaches an election, the calendar tightens, large sums begin moving, and the official explanation arrives wearing its cleanest shoes. Tanács’s investigation targets exactly that zone where legal administration and political self-preservation can start resembling one another too closely.
The beneficiaries named in Portfolio’s report included organisations such as Civil út and the Hungarian Reformed Charity Service, which means the government will need precision rather than theatrical suspicion. A grant can be useful, lawful and socially valuable. A grant can also be timed, shaped or rushed for political reasons. The difference sits in documents, scoring sheets, internal memos and signatures. By freezing contracts and payments, the ministry bought time to inspect the machinery before money left the state’s hand. On May 21, the TISZA government’s anti-corruption promise moved from rhetoric into the dull, dangerous work of checking paperwork.
Source: Portfolio (https://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/20260521/ujabb-csontvaz-esett-ki-egy-miniszteriumbol-tizmilliardokrol-dontottek-a-valasztas-elott-838418).
Hegedűs Zsolt chose Kaló Zoltán to lead the reborn OEP.
Persons
Hegedűs Zsolt; Kaló Zoltán; Kiss Zsolt.
Areas
Healthcare; public insurance; NEAK; OEP; health financing; value-based care.
Settlements
Budapest.
At 21:16, Portfolio reported that Health Minister Hegedűs Zsolt had named Kaló Zoltán to lead the reborn OEP, with the National Health Insurance Fund Manager being renamed and reshaped. The political message was unusually clear for a health-administration decision: the government wants a stronger purchaser and insurer role, rather than a passive payment office buried under waiting lists, hospital debts and routine excuses.
Kaló’s appointment points toward a more technical reform lane. Portfolio connected the move to value-based financing, a phrase that sounds bloodless until translated into hospital life. The question is whether public money rewards activity, outcomes, access and quality in ways that patients can feel. Hungarian healthcare has carried the same sickness for decades: underpaid staff, drifting patients, regional inequality and a financing system that often treats survival as success. A stronger OEP could become one instrument for changing incentives inside the system.
The risk is scale. Renaming an institution is easy. Giving it the authority, data, money and political backing to act as a real public purchaser is much harder. Hospitals, professional chambers, private providers and treasury officials all have their own gravity. Hegedűs’s decision placed a health-economics figure into the middle of that force field. May 21 therefore gave the health ministry a face for reform. The country will judge him through simpler measurements: shorter waits, clearer routes to care, fewer humiliating workarounds and a system that treats the patient as a citizen with a claim, not a burden at a counter.
Source: Portfolio (https://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/20260521/megvan-az-ujjaszuleto-oep-uj-vezetoje-838428).
Gajdos László said asbestos-bearing rock would no longer come from the Austrian mines examined so far.
Persons
Gajdos László; Péter Magyar; Christian Stocker.
Areas
Environmental protection; asbestos contamination; mining; public health; Austrian-Hungarian cooperation.
Settlements
Vienna; Western Hungary.
Late in the day, Portfolio reported Environmental Protection Minister Gajdos László’s announcement that no more asbestos-containing rock would arrive from the Austrian mines examined so far. The statement connected directly to Magyar’s Vienna talks with Christian Stocker, where asbestos had become one of the central bilateral issues. The subject has the unglamorous cruelty of environmental politics: stone, transport, dust, permits, local fear and a bill that always tries to walk away from the place where damage was done.
The government’s line hardened across the day. Magyar spoke in Vienna about the polluter-pays principle and a joint Hungarian-Austrian committee. Gajdos’s statement turned that diplomatic phrasing into an operational stop sign. No more problematic material from the mines already under examination. That is the kind of sentence residents can understand without policy translation.
The unresolved part is larger. The state still needs to identify the full chain of responsibility, the precise contamination risk, the affected sites and the financial consequences. Environmental cases often die through delay because every actor waits for another expert report while families continue breathing the uncertainty. The TISZA government appears aware that asbestos cannot be handled like a normal diplomatic irritant. It is a public-health file with cross-border legal teeth. May 21 therefore put Austria and Hungary into the same technical room. Good. Now the government has to keep the door open until responsibility has a name, an invoice and a deadline.
Sources: Portfolio live coverage (https://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/20260521/tisza-kormany-becsben-targyalt-magyar-peter-kozben-ujabb-szerzodesek-kerultek-elo-838178); Telex English (https://telex.hu/english/2026/05/21/magyar-in-vienna-hungary-will-apply-the-polluter-pays-principle-with-regard-to-the-asbestos-contamination).
Kátai-Németh Vilmos moved on the Ferencváros shooting-range noise case near hospitals and residential areas.
Persons
Kátai-Németh Vilmos.
Areas
Social affairs; family affairs; public health; urban noise; local conflict.
Settlements
Budapest; Ferencváros.
Portfolio’s late live coverage also reported that Social and Family Affairs Minister Kátai-Németh Vilmos took up the case of shooting-range noise in Ferencváros. The issue involved noise affecting hospital and residential environments, the sort of local problem that can look small from a ministry desk and enormous from a bedroom window at the wrong hour. The report placed the matter inside the government’s daily work, away from the grand theatres of Vienna, Brussels and constitutional reform.
That matters because governing credibility is built in two kinds of rooms. One room has flags, translators and international cameras. The other has residents, doctors, civil servants and an argument about whether the state can make ordinary life tolerable. A shooting-range noise case near sensitive urban zones belongs to the second room. The minister’s involvement suggests that the cabinet wants to show responsiveness beyond national symbolism.
There is also a deeper administrative lesson. Urban Hungary is full of conflicts where permits, old arrangements and local frustration pile up for years. Everyone knows the nuisance, everyone knows the excuses, and the file becomes a fossil. Kátai-Németh’s task is to prevent the matter from becoming another performance of concern. The practical questions are simple: who measured the noise, which authority can act, what legal remedy exists, and how quickly residents receive relief. On May 21, the case entered ministerial view. The next movement needs fewer statements and more enforceable decisions.
Source: Portfolio live coverage (https://www.portfolio.hu/gazdasag/20260521/tisza-kormany-becsben-targyalt-magyar-peter-kozben-ujabb-szerzodesek-kerultek-elo-838178).